Love, Russian Style — Part 1

The eyes tell it all, don’t they? Can’t you just feel the Russian Love? In Russia, love and murder mean the same thing. There’s no need for two words when one will suffice. Just ask Boris Nemtsov, he’ll tell you.  Actually, no he won’t tell you because he was, as many if not all of you already know, the recipient of that abundant and ubiquitous Russian Love that takes your breath away.

The death stare is haunting, is it not? It exemplifies the struggle to cling to life in those fleeting last moments — the microseconds that seemingly stretch for an eternity — before whatever comes after if anything at all. I imagine Dr. Kevorkian‘s ( a hero if we must have heroes) excellent painting sums up the last moments of struggle as well as any painting I’ve ever viewed. I can also imagine that Putin and his fellow gangster kleptocrats beat their meat to this imagery in a ritualistic circle jerk in the bowels of the Kremlin to the sound of The Rolling Stones famous song, Paint It Black, except this time it was Boris painted black and not the door.

And before I go any further, for those who haven’t picked up on this blog post title’s play on words, it refers to a cheesy American television show called Love, American Style that aired on American television from 1969 -1974 (the good ‘ol days). The sentiment of the show and its title are quite a juxtaposition to America’s slaughter in Vietnam at the time and to the current lovingly murderous kleptocratic Russia. Also, it’s a far cry from the shit you find on television these days. Even fake love has been expunged from the messaging and replaced with vapid hate and sadism.

I’m breaking this analysis into parts because there’s so much to cover and I don’t want each blog post to be too cumbersome as is my wont. This post will rebut the meme that’s being disseminated by the FSB cyber propagandists and their Western pro-Russian sympathizers that Nemtsov was an unpopular nobody so “move along, there’s nothing to see here.” One such cretin, Sandy Krolick, posted the following comment to Kunstler’s latest blog post in keeping with Russian propaganda surrounding the Nemtsov assassination. These propagandists came out hitting hard and heavy almost immediately, maybe even a little before, concomitant to the news of Nemtsov’s murder being made public. Just as was the case with the Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 news. In my opinion, it’s a sign of guilt — they’re a bit too eager and over-the-top in their deflection and misdirection. Plus, if one of your neighbors is raped and killed in your neighborhood, formerly convicted rapists who may be residing in the area are high on the list of suspects. In the Nemtsov case, Putin and his fellow gangster kelptocrats are the formerly convicted rapists. Just as once you’re CIA you’re always CIA, so too once you’re a rapist you’re always a rapist — and who would argue that Putin & Friends aren’t sadistically raping their beloved Mother Russia?


March 2, 2015 at 12:00 pm #

Jim… 100,000 Russians did not march in Moscow. 21,000 was the estimate. And they did not march to protest the assassination (execution/murder) of Nemtsov. They came to pay their respects. But the man was not really well known. He was really invisible as a player in politics, with about 1% following in Moscow.

This propaganda meme that Nemtsov was a nobody, that he was a marginal player, that no one knew him is being bandied about by the Russian Cyber Patrol in comment sections across the Western Net. Here’s another one parroting the same message at the infamous Moon of Alabama blog whose comment section is teeming with, and inundated by, the Russian Cyber Patrol. I love smacking these turd blossoms around — it’s such fun. They’re such easy targets precisely because they have no sense of themselves. In that way, Dugin is correct. Most Russians don’t see themselves as a self which, to me at least, means they’re incapable of introspection and self-consciousness. They are incapable of shame, therefore they are blindly shameless.

He is now a person who becomes famous after death. I had only heard of him vaguely a few times and paid no attention. OK, as a Kreminologist I suck, yes.

He was not an important person, or not in any public way in years past, imagining that murdering him would achieve any political objectives, either national within Russia or world-wide, is completely loony, be it from Putin’s side, the liberal-oppo-Russian side, or the West, including Israel. Focussing on him shows only that the media has sway and shunts the debate onto trivia, pointed to individuals, away from finance and geo-politics.

In a previous post, I argued that the first causes of these street shooting deaths should be top of the line: from being a thief, a traitor to one’s group, in deep financial trouble, to stealing a woman, even mistaken identity, etc.

Posted by: Noirette | Mar 1, 2015 10:39:06 AM | 15

I made the following comment to “Noirette” but it applies equally to Krolfruit and anyone else who parrots this obvious disinformational lie.

Jesus, you really show your stripes with this comment. Tripe is better than that. Right — he was a real low-life nobody. I think you were describing yourself ‚ not Nemtsov.

Boris Nemtsov

Studies and academic career

From 1976–81, he studied physics at State University of Gorky, where, in 1985, he earned his PhD in Physics and Mathematics, defending his dissertation at the age of 25. Until 1990 Nemtsov worked as a research fellow at the Gorky Radio-Physics Research Institute.[10]

Nemtsov was a candidate of physico-mathematical sciences and the author of more than 60 academic publications related to quantum physics, thermodynamics and acoustics. He invented an acoustics laser and a novel design of antennas for space apparatus.[11][1][12]

Political career

In 1986, in the wake of the Chernobyl disaster, Nemtsov organized a protest movement in his hometown, which effectively prevented the construction of a new nuclear power plant in the region.[10]

In 1989, Nemtsov ran for the Soviet Congress of People’s Deputies. He ran on a platform of reform, which for the time was quite radical; promoting ideas such as multiparty democracy and private enterprise.[10] He was unsuccessful in this election, but returned to run for the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Republic representing Gorky (later renamed Nizhny Novgorod) in 1990. This time around Nemtsov defeated the 12 other candidates in the election, most of whom were members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union nomenklatura (Chinayeva 1996, 36). In Parliament he joined the “Reform Coalition” and “Centre-Left” political groups.[10]

In the Russian parliament, Nemtsov was on the legislative committee,[10] working on agricultural reform and the liberalization of foreign trade. It was in this position that Nemtsov came to meet Boris Yeltsin, who was impressed with the young man’s work (Chinayeva 1996, 36). During the 1991 attack on the government by those opposed to Yeltsin, Nemtsov was a vehement supporter of the president, and stood by him during the entire clash. After the events of October 1991, Nemtsov’s loyalty was rewarded with the position of presidential representative in his home region of Nizhny Novgorod (Chinayeva 1996, 36).

In November 1991, Nemtsov was appointed Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. He was re-elected in that position by popular vote in December 1995. His tenure was marked by the implementation of a wide-ranging, chaotic free market reform program which earned the nickname “Laboratory of Reform” for Nizhny Novgorod and resulted in significant economic growth for the region. Nemtsov’s reforms won praise from former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who visited Nizhny Novgorod in 1993 (Chinayeva 1996, 37).

In December 1993 Nemtsov was elected to the Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian Parliament. During the election campaign he was backed by “Russia’s Choice” and Yabloko, which were then the principal liberal parties in the country.

In March 1997 Nemtsov was appointed First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, with special responsibility for reform of the energy sector. He was widely popular with the public and appeared to be the lead candidate to become President of Russia in 2000.[citation needed] In the summer of 1997, opinion polls gave Nemtsov over 50% support as a potential presidential candidate.[citation needed] His political career, however, suffered a blow in August 1998 following the crash of the Russian stock-market and the ensuing economic crisis.

As part of Chubais’ economic team, Nemtsov was forced to resign his position of Deputy Prime Minister (Yeltsin 2000, 99). After the dismissal of Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin in 1998, Nemtsov was reappointed by Yeltsin to his post of Deputy Prime Minister, but again resigned shortly after when Yeltsin dissolved the government.

In August 1999 Nemtsov became one of the co-founders of the Union of Rightist Forces, a new liberal-democratic coalition which received nearly 6 million votes, or 8.6%, in the parliamentary elections in December 1999. Nemtsov himself was elected to the State Duma, or lower house of Parliament, and subsequently became its Deputy Speaker in February 2000. In May 2000, after the resignation of Sergei Kiriyenko, Nemtsov was elected leader of the Union of Rightist Forces and its parliamentary group in the State Duma. His position as party leader was confirmed at the Union of Rightist Forces congress in May 2001, where he was backed by over 70% of delegates.

In 2002 he took part in the negotiations with the hostage-takers during the Moscow theater hostage crisis.[citation needed]

Between 2000 and 2003 Nemtsov was in a difficult political position. While he vehemently opposed what he believed to be President Vladimir Putin’s policies of rolling back democracy and civic freedoms in Russia, he had to collaborate with the powerful co-chairman of the Union of Rightist Forces, Anatoly Chubais, who favoured a more conciliatory line towards the Kremlin. As a consequence, the Union of Rightist Forces’ message appeared muddled and confused, thus alienating many liberal voters. In the parliamentary elections of December 2003 the Union of Rightist Forces, whose list was headed by both Nemtsov and Chubais, received just 2.4 million votes, or 4% of the total, thus falling short of the 5% threshold necessary to enter Parliament and losing all of its seats in the State Duma. In January 2004, Nemtsov resigned from the party leadership, accepting his responsibility for the election defeat.

Posted by: Cold N. Holefield | Mar 1, 2015 10:50:54 AM | 17

Clearly, he was not a nobody and he was not a marginal player, otherwise he wouldn’t have suffered the fate of four bullets from behind that passed straight through him. Clearly, 100,000 people or even a mere 21,000 people don’t show up to pay respects to someone who is a nobody especially considering that these people know they are implicit targets for harassment if they do show up. That’s 21,000 or 100,000 more people than would brave to show up to show you their respect after your slaying, Krolick. Your name is appropriate though, I’ll give you that. You like to Kro (crow) and you lick Putin’s asshole, all day every day, as ravenously as a starving hyena eats the ass out of a dead elephant.

Nemtsov was somebody, and in the next several posts on this topic I’ll explain his pertinence and why it was him and not some other “opposition” leader. You have to admit though, I have a knack for presaging these events. Just last week before this went down, I typed this Show Your Meddle post about Putin and Magnitsky when I hadn’t posted anything about Putin and Russia in a while. And then boom/bam, right on cue Putin and his cowardly thugs prove my point, just as I presaged the precipitous drop in the price of oil with The Igor Sanction post. I have a gift and you should learn to appreciate it.

That’s it for now. Meddle well fellow freaks, and for all the right reasons — and as always the same goes for lying.